Chinese Sphere: China’s Human Rights Action Plan

Last Monday, the Information Office of the State Council released the Chinese government’s first-ever human rights action plan. The introduction to the document stated that it was developed in response to a “United Nations' call for establishing a national human rights action plan.” This most likely refers to the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action that was adopted during the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights. The declaration “recommends that each State consider the desirability of drawing up a national action plan identifying steps whereby that State would improve the promotion and protection of human rights.”

Specific human rights are divided into three broad categories: 1. Economic, social, and cultural rights, 2. Civil and political rights, and 3. Ethnic minority and disadvantaged groups’ rights. This categorization follows three of the UN’s core human rights treaties: the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and various conventions on the rights of ethnic minorities, women, children, and the disabled. China has signed and ratified the Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights treaty. China has also signed the Civil and Political Rights treaty, but not ratified it, most likely due to provisions it makes for, among other things, periodic elections and universal suffrage.

An editorial published in the 21st Century Business Herald, one of China’s largest business newspapers, sees the publication of this report as beneficial for the advancement of human rights:

Since 1991 when the concept of human rights started to be formally used in white papers, the Chinese government has issued 40 human rights-related documents. The “Action Plan” differs from past reports which have typically described the work that China has already done. This is the first time that specific goals and timeframe have been set for the development of the nation’s human rights…From this day forward this report can serve as a yardstick to measure the Chinese government’s progress or regression in the development of human rights. It also enables individual citizens and local governments to see a clearer long-term direction.

In an editorial in Lianhe Zaobao, the largest newspaper in Singapore, sees this plan as having the potential to fundamentally change China:

With regards to the phenomenon where people from different provinces make their way to Beijing to present petitions, this action plan commits to opening up various channels such as the Green Post, dedicated phone lines, websites, and e-mail accounts that would make it convenient for the people to present their petitions. The government would also set up a nationwide complaint information system and a state-level office to deal with these complaints.

Under a broad concept of human rights, these commitments made by the Chinese government cannot be said to encompass the full meaning of human rights. However, what cannot be denied is that these specific proposals are very relevant to China’s current situation. It can be said that abuse of the law and the lack of citizen recourse is one of China’s most widespread social problems. Of course, it is worthy to pursue the ideal where the people have the right to choose their own leaders, but at this current stage, if China is able to solve these various abuses of power, that would be a large step forward of historical significance.

While the plan does not address certain rights that democracies would consider fundamental such as free press, free speech, and open elections, the document does seem to be trying to define a more prominent role for individual citizens within the strictures of China’s constitution and laws. For example, under the “right to oversee,” the plan states that “the state will guarantee citizens' rights to criticize, give advice to, complain of, and accuse state organs and civil servants, and give full play to the role of mass organizations, social organizations and the news media in supervising state organs and civil servants.” While this right may have already been a part of Chinese law, it has never been enforced. However, now that this document is out there, citizens, NGOs, and other social groups may have more leverage in claiming their rights and opposing abuses of power at the local level. Perhaps this is the CCP leadership’s way of bringing about the political reform that is needed to make citizens happy and uphold the legitimacy of CCP rule.